By Professor Mark Hendrickson
As soon as seen as a special period characterised via extreme bigotry, nostalgia for less complicated instances, and a revulsion opposed to energetic govt, the Nineteen Twenties were rediscovered via historians in contemporary a long time as a time whilst Herbert Hoover and his allies labored to noticeably reform fiscal coverage. In American exertions and financial Citizenship, Mark Hendrickson either augments and amends this view by way of learning the origins and improvement of latest period coverage services and data. Policy-oriented social scientists in executive, alternate union, educational, and nonprofit enterprises confirmed how equipment for reaching solid fiscal progress via elevated productiveness may possibly either defang the scary enterprise cycle and defuse the development of opposed category family that Gilded Age depressions had helped to set as an American approach of commercial family. associated by way of rising associations equivalent to the Social technological know-how examine Council, the nationwide city League, and the Women's Bureau, social investigators attacked rampant sexual and racial discrimination, usually justified via incorrect organic arguments, that denied woman and minority employees complete financial citizenship within the office and the polity. those students established that those practices not just restricted productiveness and undercut improved intake, but additionally belied the claims for equity that needs to buttress coverage visions in a democracy.
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Additional info for American Labor and Economic Citizenship: New Capitalism from World War I to the Great Depression
In addition, they experimented with various means of reorganizing labor-management relations so as to secure optimal productivity while maintaining a place for unions in this new economic system. The historical actors in Chapters 4 through 7 took a more skeptical view of varying aspects of this much-heralded new economy. The wartime goal of spreading democracy abroad inspired workers to demand a greater democratization of industry at home, but it also stimulated some employers to attempt to invigorate and alter long-standing paternalistic traditions, infusing them with a democratic impulse that sought employee consent and cooperation in increasing efficiency and maintaining economic stability.
F. Morris, The Limits of Voluntarism: Charity and Welfare from the New Deal through the Great Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Linda Gordon, Pitied But Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), particularly 67–108; Roy Lubove, The Professional Altruist: The Emergence of Social Work as a Career, 1880–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965); Alice O’Connor, Poverty Knowledge: Social Science, Social Policy and the Poor in Twentieth-Century U.
Within the Department of Labor, the Women’s Bureau grew into an important organization that coordinated federal and state policies and built up an impressive body of knowledge demonstrating the need for legislated labor standards to protect poor workers and families regardless of gender. In doing so, WB advocates of protective legislation for women challenged Hooverite thinking. Though they consistently stressed the progress made by women in industry, their investigations found little evidence to support the notion that economic growth alone could be counted on to distribute income or opportunity fairly.