A Computational Phonology of Russian by Peter A. Chew

By Peter A. Chew

This dissertation presents a coherent, synchronic, broad-coverage, generative phonology of Russian. I try the grammar empirically in a couple of how you can ensure its goodness of healthy to Russian. In taking this method, I target to prevent making untested (or even incoherent) generalizations in response to just a handful of examples. usually, the checks express that there are exceptions to the idea, yet at the least we all know what the exceptions are, a baseline is decided opposed to which destiny theories may be measured, and in general the proportion of outstanding instances is lowered to lower than 5%. The primary theoretical results of the paintings are as follows. First, I convey that each one of the phonological or morphophonological procedures reviewed will be defined through a grammar not more robust than context-free. Secondly, i take advantage of probabilistic constraints within the syllable constitution grammar to give an explanation for why constraints on word-marginal onsets and codas are weaker than on word-internal onsets and codas. I argue that the good points [+/- preliminary] and [+/- final], and extraprosodicity, are pointless for this objective.

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B,i . zj’an} {bu . rj’an} Initial CCR, cf. {skr,ip} Final R, initial CR, cf. {slep} Initial CC, cf. {svet} Final R, initial C Final J, initial C Initial CR, cf. {slep} Final R, initial R Initial CJ, cf. {djak} Initial CJ, cf. {djak} Now consider clusters of the types CJ, RJ, and JC. Table 3 shows that CJ and RJ occur initially but not finally, and JC occurs finally but not initially. The SSG, of course, has an explanation for this: the segment-types C and R are lower in sonority than segment-type J, thus CJ and RJ rise in sonority, while JC falls in sonority.

In particular, the deterministic algorithms of Kahn and Itô can return only one solution for each string, which might be regarded as a drawback. 4. 3 A linear grammar of Russian syllable structure This section presents a specific proposal to describe the syllable structure of Russian in terms of linear grammar. The purpose of this grammar is to parse Russian 59 word-forms exhaustively into syllables10, and the grammar will be subjected to computational testing. In order to build up a grammar of syllabification, two basic elements are needed: the first of these is a ‘lexicon’ of pre-terminal rules, specifying the alphabet of segments which may occur in Russian together with all the segments’ relevant features, and the second is the list of rules which assigns hierarchical structure to these segments.

A,&') (A',&') ‘to be’ ‘to hit’ The ‘independent phoneme’ view, which is held, for example, by Š;erba (1912), Gvozdev (1949), Larin (1959), Bulanin (1970), Lightner (1972), Matusevi; (1976) and Kuhn Plapp (1996), has appealed in part to the articulatory and acoustic differences between [,) and [,]: Š;erba, for example, noted that Russians can easily articulate [,] in isolation, whereas they have more trouble articulating some of the 11 But not apparently Halle (1997), to judge by the entry for the nominative plural in Halle’s Table 1 (op.

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